PBP AGM 2025: Biggest ever AGM debates strategy for era of extremes
The People Before Profit (PBP) AGM 2025 helped solidify PBP as the major force for ecosocialist politics on the island of Ireland, while also providing a forum for important debates on strategy as ecosocialist activists grapple with the increasingly unstable world we find ourselves in. Here, Robin Koenig and Cian Prendiville, PBP activists and members of the RISE network, report on some of the key highlights of the conference.
The 2025 Annual General Meeting (AGM) of People Before Profit was a vital one. It took place in the F2 Centre in Rialto, Dublin over March 1st & 2nd, in the context of the grinding election season just gone, and the new and increasingly unpredictable political context both in Ireland and globally.
It was the biggest AGM PBP has ever had, with around 300 delegates attending either in person or online throughout the weekend, and around 400 delegates voting in the elections for the PBP Steering Committee (SC). The leadup to the AGM had a high level of engagement from party activists, with the SC hustings being well attended and providing a valuable forum for candidates to outline their vision for PBP in a way that was both comradely and clarifying. The Internal Discussion Bulletin, which was launched a few years ago but had not had a high level of engagement, proved useful this year. It helped lay out the various debates and discussions in the party and presented the different viewpoints in a sharp but mature way.
All Ireland Instability
The AGM began with a discussion on the situation in Ireland, in both the southern state and the northern statelet. Outgoing PBP National Secretary Kieran Allen outlined how the re-election of Trump in the USA would have massive effects on tax haven Ireland. The new southern government of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and hard right independents, without a liberal mudguard in the form of Labour or the Greens, will be forced to govern in an increasingly unstable system, while foisting an explicitly right-wing program on a country very different from the one that existed even 30 years ago.
Matt Collins introduced the outgoing SC’s document on perspectives for the North, describing both the stagnation and underlying instability of Northern Irish politics, and making clear the important role PBP has played and will continue to play in providing a voice of principled, non-sectarian, 32-county ecosocialism. Particular attention was given to PBP’s interventions in the key areas of housing, Palestine, disability, and anti-fascism, both north and south.
Emphasis was put on the fact that PBP needs to ensure that its activists know how to frame ecosocialist arguments to those outside the left-wing bubble. PBP branches were called on to lead campaigns both locally and nationally, with organisers providing political education and training to the wider membership.
There were a number of different contributions from the floor, with members calling on the party at large to reflect on PBP’s important position as the largest force on the revolutionary left, and the need for all members to approach organising and activism with the required seriousness. Others raised PBP’s experience with the recent southern elections, where the party’s vote share rose slightly overall, but we struggled in our core areas of support. PBP unfortunately lost two seats, despite incredibly hard-fought campaigns by Gino Kenny and Hazel De Nortúin. It was agreed that PBP mobilise on key issues such as disability and housing and keep up the struggle against both the far right and the establishment. Along with this, the AGM agreed that this could only happen if PBP and its branches were built and strengthened in a strategic, planned way.
A world on fire
The next section focused on war and ecological catastrophe. Paul Murphy introduced the document from the outgoing SC on this topic, which outlined the general instability of the world both geopolitically and ecologically. The genocide in Gaza has laid the brutality of the western alliance bare for all to see, with Trump exacerbating already existing contradictions. The continuing decline of the United States, the open belligerence of Russia and the increased assertiveness of China all point towards the possibility of world war. People Before Profit reaffirmed its unwavering support for the Palestinian cause in the age of Trump, its backing of the BDS movement, and its continuing campaign to expose the craven failure of both the southern and northern governments to stand against genocide.
On the environment, delegates heard of the good work that members have been doing in campaigns such as the Save Lough Neagh campaign, and the fight against electricity-guzzling data centres. With climate change deniers in government that are disinterested in climate action and hell-bent on ramming through destructive LNG terminals, it's more important than ever that PBP take the lead as the only party taking the fight for ecosocialism seriously. This is ever more urgent with the complete, and deserved, collapse of the Green Party. People Before Profit has the opportunity to push for ecosocialist politics that tie a better life for the working class to fighting the climate crisis.
Several motions were passed in this section, including several that helped provide direction to our campaigning for Palestinian liberation in this new stage. The AGM condemned the southern government for its intention to adopt the so-called IHRA definition of anti-Semitism, which deliberately conflates anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism. Motions were passed calling on PBP branches to further engage with local Palestine solidarity groups, and throw our weight behind pressure campaigns against, for example, the sale of Israeli War Bonds through Irish financial institutions, mass BDS campaigns, etc.
Also passed was a motion that restated PBP’s analysis of the war in Ukraine, in that while PBP condemns the Russian invasion, it also recognises the war as one between the imperialist blocs of Russia and its allies on one side, and the Western alliance, led by the United States and NATO, on the other. PBP re-emphasised its opposition to any and all efforts to draw Ireland closer to the EU and/ or NATO, and the AGM called on PBP to take the lead in mobilisations in defence of neutrality and the triple lock.
Mass work & making it stick
A few key decisions were made on the direction of PBP's mass work for the next year. A motion from Dublin South West called on PBP to take the lead on campaigning against dereliction. Dereliction is the most visible manifestation of the housing crisis, and PBP already has a track record of fighting it on local councils, for example, the work done by PBP councillor Madeleine Johansson in South Dublin City Council to take derelict homes back under council control.
The community organising work being done by branches such as Dublin North West and Dublin South West was held up as good models for other branches to follow. Dublin South West has implemented a serious, data-driven approach, a focus on competing in hard-pressed communities for those who might otherwise vote for Sinn Féin, the far right or not at all and deepening our political connections with our supporters in the community. A motion from Dublin North West to increase coordination between PBP branches in Dublin was passed, as was a motion for the party to further strengthen its internal political education, ensuring that every branch meeting is not just focused on logistics but also contains discussion on current political perspectives, organising strategy, and working-class history.
With the non-parliamentary far right at a lower ebb due to infighting, now was a good time for the party to take stock of the fight against fascism, and chart a course forward. Members gave updates from the floor on the situation in their areas, from Belfast to Cork. The example of Dundalk was particularly inspiring, where a smaller branch was able to take the lead on building a broad united front that successfully routed far-right forces for the time being from the area.
The AGM also discussed socialist feminism and gender equality. There was a lively discussion on these wide-ranging issues, and how PBP could best intervene. Members emphasised that, globally, women are moving to the left, and that PBP had to be at the forefront for gender equality or else be left behind. The Women and Gender Equality Caucus brought forward a motion to initiate with others a broad campaign to tackle the epidemic of gender-based violence, in the mould of the successful campaign for repeal a few years ago.
An all-island, pluralist & socialist Steering Committee elected
The AGM elected a 14-member steering committee (SC), which will provide coordination and direction to the party between AGMs and National Councils. For the third year in a row, a Proportional Representation (PR) system was used in the election, cementing it as the electoral system of choice for any party that wants to take democracy and pluralism seriously. This was also the final year that the SC will have 14 members, with the new constitution raising the number to 15, which will come into effect at the next AGM. Elected were 10 members of the Socialist Workers Network (SWN), two RISE members and two members of no network.
This year's SC slightly improved its geographic spread compared to last year, with two members of the new SC coming from non-Dublin/Belfast branches (Sligo and Armagh respectively). The new SC maintained its 32-county character with four members elected from the six counties. However, the gender balance of the incoming SC leaves something to be desired, with only five of the incoming SC members being women (all five women who ran for the SC got elected). This points to a need for PBP to further develop a culture that ensures women and gender non-conforming people can fully take part in the party's structures and leadership. The Dublin South West motion calling on childcare to be provided at all national party events on-premises (as well as at our public events when possible) is hopefully a step in the right direction.
This year, the Red Network lost its representation on the steering committee. The authors of this piece have many serious disagreements with the Red Network. For example, we think that their view of what PBP should be is too narrow and that they too often create a false division between the class struggle and wider struggles against oppression. We also disagree on programme, with the Red Network favouring a version of the Minimum/Maximum program, with ourselves at RISE making the argument for the Transitional method. We are also concerned that the Red Network’s sometimes over-personalised approach to debate is counterproductive and alienates more than convinces. That being said, we also find ourselves in agreement with the Red Network on some questions of orientation (ie, not tailing the soft left, or focusing on trying to compete for their voters) and on issues like party democracy and rep accountability. Even without a seat on this year's SC, the Red Network has an important role to play, adding their voice to the important debates within PBP and their on-the-ground organising work in various branches and campaigns.
Debates & compromises
While there were some debates and differences of emphasis on the broad political priorities, the actual proposed motions and amendments on those issues generally received broad support. The more contentious votes and debates centred on party tasks and organisation.
A new constitution for PBP, which rationalised and consolidated all the updates to the old constitution into a coherent whole was agreed with broad support. During the course of the debates over amendments, the AGM delegates reaffirmed PBP’s unique ecosocialist stance by an overwhelming margin and clarified the right of issue-based caucuses in the party to elect their own convenors. However, several suggested amendments regarding greater transparency and accountability of the Steering Committee and Officer Board proved more controversial.
As People Before Profit has grown in recent years, it has developed a more ‘multi-tendency’ internal life, with multiple declared networks as well as other more informal tendencies. Some structural changes have facilitated this, such as moving to PR for the SC elections rather than a ‘winner-takes-all’ slate election, holding hustings whereby SC candidates can outline their vision and be questioned, as well as organising an Internal Discussion Bulletin which has seen increased take up in the run-up to AGM. However, it is clear that many members still feel unclear or unsatisfied with aspects of the party structures, avenues for debate, and internal culture.
Some urged for greater unity and confidence in the party’s elected leadership, particularly members of the Socialist Workers Network. Others argued for greater democracy and debate. A proposal to ‘discourage’ external polemics passed, with the proposers emphasising how this was merely about discouraging harsh or personalised criticisms not banning debate. A motion emphasising the accountability of public reps to the membership received overwhelming support, but only after a very tight vote to amend it to give more flexibility to the SC than originally proposed.
This was a feature in a number of debates, where divisions between potentially starkly counter-posed motions were overcome by compromise amendments which were also then debated but generally received at least two-thirds support and at times near unanimous support.
Building a pluralist, ecosocialist party for an era of extremes
This reflects both a maturing of debate within the party, with an ability for debates not to spiral out of control, but also a warning of possible deeper differences that need to be teased out. Genuine compromise proposals, which take on board various opinions and arguments and attempt to synthesise them into a coherent plan, are to be welcomed. However, we must guard against ‘awkward compromises’, which paper over actual real political or organisational differences or criticisms with language that leaves all sides to interpret the decision however they see fit. Instead, the socialist left must develop a culture which welcomes debate, and openly addresses and draws out differences to raise the discussion from criticisms or personal gripes to a more political level which can have genuine value in clarifying our politics and educating our membership. In that way, it is false to counterpose a push for greater ‘democracy’ or ‘transparency’ to the need for greater ‘unity’ and ‘confidence’ in the party structures. It is only through transparent and political debate that real, lasting unity and an authoritative leadership can be built.
A similar development occurred in the AGM discussion on party spokespeople. Initially, there were two strongly counter-posed motions on this issue, one pushing for greater emphasis from the Steering Committee on developing key spokespeople in general, and a ‘Party Leader’ in particular, with the other criticising the Steering Committee on this issue and arguing against any such ‘leader’ role. In the end, a compromise amendment encouraging the development of ‘Spokespeople’ including a ‘National Spokesperson’ role received the support of a clear majority, and the alternative motion was withdrawn. However, it is the fear of the authors of this piece that compromises like these may actually not resolve the differences or address the concerns and dangers highlighted and therefore won’t forge a genuine unity, but simply patch over the disagreement with a paper-thin unity in words but disagreement in practice.
In practice, as the compromise amendment recognised, this will lead to the media speaking about a ‘party leader’ from amongst our parliamentary team. This will add to the opportunist pressure on this parliamentarian as well as give them increased weight both internally and publicly. While the collective leadership of the Steering Committee remains enshrined in the constitution, the de facto reality for the public and much of our membership will be seeing a media-described ‘party leader’ giving their positions and assuming they are the official positions of PBP. When combined with the watering down of the motion on accountability of public representatives, this represents a worrying step towards a more traditional party model in contrast to the grassroots activist party we want to build.
A crucial strength of People Before Profit has been its break with the sect-model of much of the revolutionary left, organising as a broad party open to all who want to fight capitalism, and building unity in action on the key questions and challenges facing us, rather than a focus on insular theoretical debates and seeking purity through splits. However, as the party grows, and especially as new challenges and opportunities are posed, it is inevitable that different members will respond to these new situations in different ways. We are in a period of great uncertainty, with a rapidly changing global situation, new governments, and an increasingly complicated political period with both left and right-wing radicalisation. Alongside all of this, is a continued lack of mass struggles. It is inevitable that as we grapple with this new situation, questions and debates will emerge. We must not shy away from those, but build structures and cultures which can bring together the broad array of experiences and insights of our members and branches, create spaces for developed discussion and debate, and use that to deepen our analysis, membership and strategy to build real unity in action.
It is tough, and requires persistence, principles and preparation - but as someone once said: There Is No Alternative.